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　　National Bestseller

New York Times Editors’ Choice

Winner of the PEN Hessell Tiltman Prize

Winner of the Duff Cooper Prize

Silver Medalist for the Arthur Ross Book Award

of the Council on Foreign Relati***

Finalist for the Robert F. Kennedy Book Award

For six months in 1919, after the end of “the war to end all

wars,” the Big Three—President Woodrow Wilson, British prime

minister David Lloyd Ge***e, and French premier Ge***es

Clemenceau—met in Paris to shape a lasting peace. In this landmark

work of narrative history, Margaret MacMillan gives a dramatic and

intimate view of those fateful days, which saw new political

entities—Iraq, Yugoslavia, and Palestine, among them—born out of

the ruins of bankrupt empires, and the borders of the modern world

redrawn.

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Margaret Olwen MacMillan, OC (born 1943 in Toronto, Ontario, Ca***) is a historian and professor at the University of Oxford, where she is Warden of St. Antony's College. She is former provost of Trinity College and professor of history at the University of Toronto and previously, at Ryerson University. A leading expert on history and international relati***, MacMillan is a frequent commentator in the media.

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Japan's delegation was dispatched to Paris with three clear goals: to get a clause on racial equality written into the covenant of the League of Nati***, to control the north Pacific islands and to keep the German concessi*** in Shantung.

The Japanese had, at best, lukewarm *** in Paris. The Chinese, whose nationals suffered from similar discrimination, felt they would probably vote for the clause but, as one Chinese delegate told an American, they had much more important things to worry about - in particular Japan's claims in China.

Wilson, desperate to save the League of Nati*** but unable to accept the racial equality clause, now faced giving Japan what it wanted in China. What made his position difficult was that China also had a strong case.

The group of some sixty Chinese and their five foreign advisos finally assembled in Paris at the Hôtel Lutétia epitomized China itself, balanced uneasily between the old and the new, the north and the south, and with a strong hint of outside influence.

The great Chinese writer Lu Xun compared his countrymen to people sleeping in a house made of iron. The house was on fire and the sleepers would die unless they woke up. But if they did wake, would they be able to get out? Was it better to let them perish in ignorance or die in the full knowledge of their fate? For all their doubts, Lu Xun and the other radical intellectuals of his generation did try to wake China up. They made it their resp***ibility to speed change by clearing away the debris of the past and forcing the Chinese to look to the future. They published journal with names such as New Youth and New Tide. They wrote satarical plays and stories scorning tradition. Their prescription for China was summed up in the slogan "Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy" - science to represent reas...

The British were particularly concerned about Japans in-roads into their economic sphere in the Yangtze valley. ambassador in okyo warned darkly, "Today we have come to know that Japan - the real Japan - is a frankly opportunistic, not to say selfish, country, of very moderate importance compared with the giants of the Great War, but with a very exaggerated opinion of her role in the universe."

书籍介绍

From Publishers Weekly

A joke circulating in Paris early in 1919 held that the peace*** Council of Four, representing Britain, France, the U.S. and Italy, was busy preparing a "just and lasting war." Six months of parleying concluded on June 28 with Germany's coerced agreement to a treaty no Allied statesman had fully read, according to MacMillan, a history professor at the University of Toronto, in this vivid account. Although President Wilson had insisted on a League of Nati***, even his own Senate would vote the league down and refuse the treaty. As a rush to make expedient settlements replaced initial negotiating inertia, appeals by many nationalities for Wilsonian self-determination would be overwhelmed by rhetoric justifying national avarice. The Italians, who hadn't won a battle, and the French, who'd been saved from catastrophe, were the greediest, says MacMillan; the Japanese plucked Pacific islands that had been German and a colony in China known for German beer. The austere and unlikable Wilson got nothing; returning home, he suffered a debilitating stroke. The council's other members horse-traded for spoils, as did Greece, Poland and the new Yugoslavia. There was, Wilson declared, "disgust with the old order of things," but in most decisi*** the old order in fact prevailed, and corrosive problems, like Bolshevism, were shelved. Hitle***ould blame Versailles for more ills than it created, but the signatories often could not enforce thei***rit. MacMillan's lucid prose brings her participants to colorful and quotable life, and the grand sweep of her narrative encompasses all the continents the peacemakers vainly carved up. 16 pages of p***os, maps.

Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

From Library Journal

In an ambitious narrative, MacMillan (history, University of Toronto) seeks to recover the original intent, c***traints, and goals of the diplomats who sat down to hammer out a peace treaty in the aftermath of the Great War. In particular, she focuses on the "Big Three" Wilson (United States), Lloyd Ge***e (Great Britain), and Clemenceau (France) who dominated the critical first six months of the Paris Peace Conference. Viewing events through such a narrow lens can reduce diplomacy to the parochial concerns of individuals. But instead of falling into this trap, MacMillan uses the Big Three as a starting point for ***yzing the agendas of the multitude of individuals who came to Versailles to achieve their largely nationalist ***irati***. Following her ***ysis of the forces at work in Europe, MacMillan takes the reader on a tour de force of the postwar battlefields of Asia and the Middle East. Of particular interest is her sympathy for those who tried to make the postwa***orld more peaceful. Although their lofty ambiti*** fell prey to the passi*** of nationalism, this should not detract from their efforts. This book will help rehabilitate the peacemakers of 1919 and is recommended for all libraries. Frederic Krome, Jacob Rader Marcus Ctr. of the American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati

Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.